Digital trade fair "Re:publica": How to save democracy online

Berlin. That something is seriously amiss is made clear not least by a side note from Luisa Neubauer. The climate activist from "Fridays for Future" arrived today with personal security, she explains during a panel discussion on stage two – "as at every public event." And even here, at the otherwise peaceful digital trade fair re:publica in Berlin, a residual risk apparently remains that makes this step necessary.

Neubauer's case may be an extreme – but many of the speeches at the event highlight a grievance: Anyone who publicly advocates for democratic values ​​and stands up for their interests is increasingly under attack. Many are falling victim to disinformation campaigns and digital violence on social media – and for some, this even spills over into the offline world.

Climate activist Luisa Neubauer (center) at a panel discussion at re:publica.

Source: Matthias Schwarzer

"Democracy is burning," re:publica founder Johnny Haeusler put it in his opening speech. And digital spaces are not innocent in this. "Autocrats around the world are exploiting what we have been warning about here for many years," says Haeusler. Social media have now become "weapons of disinformation," AI is becoming a tool of propaganda, and "algorithms are gatekeepers of the truth." This is not the digital revolution once envisioned. "re:publica," says Haeusler, wants to contribute to reversing this trend and shaping "the good new times."

Given the mountain of challenges, this is unlikely to be easy. The tech oligarchy in the US, which Haeusler addressed, was one of the central issues discussed on the digital trade fair's many stages.

Those gathering at re:publica lost their digital space in the fall of 2022. At that time, tech billionaire Elon Musk took over the short message service Twitter and transformed it into the right-wing extremist combat platform X. Things are now much worse: Musk not only controls the network's content, he recently rose to become an advisor to the new US President Donald Trump and played a key role in the restructuring of the US government. Haeusler summarizes: Whoever controls the platforms controls the narratives—and thus ultimately, reality.

Another player in the game: Mark Zuckerberg, who owns the largest social media platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp. Digital consultant Oğuz Yılmaz, a former member of the YouTuber ensemble Y-Titty, even called Meta the "biggest villain" on stage. Zuckerberg also backed Trump earlier this year and implemented a series of changes to his platforms.

Another problem: politically motivated actors who know how to exploit the mechanisms of the platforms and thus ultimately undermine democracy. Media scholar Bernhard Pörksen cites professionally managed disinformation campaigns that sow discord and fuel doubts about democratic structures. For example, recently, when Russian media fabricated an alleged cocaine scandal involving Friedrich Merz, Emmanuel Macron, and Keir Starmer.

Pörksen describes such campaigns with the term "networked violence." A moment of inattention is now enough for people to find themselves caught up in a consequential disinformation campaign – fueled by the "butterfly effect" of social media. Even non-celebrities, completely uninvolved individuals, can come into focus in this way. "A nightmarish process," says the media scientist.

The goal and consequence of such campaigns: "One is drawn into a mood of blanket suspicion, general mistrust, and unleashed pseudo-skepticism." This ultimately numbs the sense of truth of entire societies. Informational self-determination becomes informational uncertainty.

At least as consequential: attacks against those who stand up for democratic values. Anna-Lena von Hodenberg, co-founder of the organization HateAid, reports increasing digital violence against politicians, scientists, and, above all, journalists. Some of those represented by the organization are even suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder as a result, says von Hodenberg.

The mechanisms are perfidious: Media representatives are increasingly being personally attacked, rather than the media brands they work for. Be it through smear campaigns, insults and threats, or even worse crimes – such as making private data public online. This is intentional and systematic: "After all, a brand doesn't lie in bed at night and cry, but a person does." And while social media is doing too little to combat the problem, many media companies lack the protection concepts to adequately support those affected.

RTL journalist Sophia Maier adds: "Many colleagues are now withdrawing" – even a small slip of the tongue during a live broadcast would now trigger major commotion and campaigns. The result: In places where it would actually be important, reporting may cease in the future.

Meanwhile, the platforms promote radicalization. Thilo Manemann and Miro Dittrich of the Center for Monitoring, Analysis, and Strategy (CeMAS) cite the chat service Telegram, which could now also be called "Terrorgram." Right-wing extremist groups have long been networking and recruiting young people on community services like Discord, which is popular in the gaming scene.

All of this is also a consequence of past mistakes. "We let young people access the internet and then didn't offer them any services there."

Another problem is that the mechanisms of the platforms are difficult to control. While regulatory laws, such as the EU's Digital Services Act (DSA), do exist, notes lawyer Chan-jo Jun, implementation is lagging, for example due to a lack of staff within the authorities. Furthermore, the regulation of the platforms is like a "hot potato" that no one wants to touch.

Listening to the presentations at the digital trade fair, one senses a certain weariness, sometimes even fatigue, in many places. However, few are considering giving up. Bernhard Pörksen, for example, advocates for a massive educational effort to strengthen judgment in dealing with dynamics on the internet.

A communications revolution is taking place, comparable to the "invention of writing or the printing press," but the necessary skills are lacking. And, says Pörksen, it's not enough to "drop a few pallets of iPads over the country's school buildings and hope for the magical emergence of media literacy."

Others, such as re:publica founder Markus Beckedahl, call for the strengthening and use of decentralized, non-profit platforms to offer an alternative to the services of tech billionaires. There's a simple trick to achieving this: Anyone who communicates online should always also use a decentralized platform so that an alternative ecosystem can be built in the long term. This applies especially to government agencies or public broadcasters.

re:publica founder Markus Beckedahl.

Source: Matthias Schwarzer

Meanwhile, better protection concepts are needed for victims of digital violence. Anja Osterhaus of Reporters Without Borders and Danica Bensmail of Verdi presented a protection code at re:publica, which media companies can voluntarily participate in to better support their employees—currently, the list is still manageable.

Another frequently expressed demand is consistent regulation of platforms – with urgent appeals to the new German government. While the Digital Services Act introduced by the EU is "not perfect," says Anna-Lena von Hodenberg, if every EU country were to consistently implement it, it would be a powerful instrument of power.

"Europe is a large market, and the DSA has political appeal." Europe must stick together here, and: "Friedrich Merz must make this a top priority."

Maximilian Oehl of the Media Force agency has another plan: He wants to increase the online presence of pro-democracy content. If right-wing influencers push their agenda on social media, they need news influencers and campaigns to counter it, he says. Many lifestyle topics on social media are also simply left to right-wing influencers – Oehl cites financial topics as an example.

While the AfD rapidly jumps on current issues and adds a xenophobic spin, democratic actors are too often asleep – this must change. "We must send positive messages about our democratic system – and not just during election campaigns."

Maximilian Oehl from the campaign agency Media Force calls for new strategies for digital communication.

Source: Matthias Schwarzer

A recurring question at re:publica was whether such ideas actually reach the places where they are truly needed. The digital trade fair takes place in Berlin; its audience is digitally savvy, educated, and agrees on many things. The trade fair really should be moved to the countryside, a member of the audience told founder Johnny Haeusler during a panel discussion. During Maximilian Oehl's presentation, a woman from Saxony, where the AfD recently received 37.3 percent in the federal election, spoke up. She believes that trendy online campaigns full of English terms certainly won't reach anyone there. Here, too, many things need to be rethought.

re:publica founder Beckedahl may have found a strategy for breaking out of the filter bubble. At the digital trade fair, he presented his new organization, the Center for Digital Rights and Democracy. With this organization, he stated that the goal is to explicitly address target groups that would otherwise not be the focus of digital debates.

"Why not reach out to people over 60 on WhatsApp or YouTube? Why not make videos for young people without a high educational background? Why not work with influencers who want to advocate for digital rights?" They could be taken by the hand and helped to advocate for democracy more effectively.

Ultimately, the goal is to empower citizens to "stand up for their interests and raise their democratic voice" – this applies especially to people who have previously given little thought to this. The ideas for saving democracy online are there – now they just need to be heard.